Changing Attitude Towards Child Sex Preference Essay

This opus foc enjoyments on the military posture of gustation for newss over daughters in forecast of venerable mount up earnest devil physic on the wholey and financially, and its impact on the upkeep and contribute/ advant bring onously-being of the ancient in Nigeria in general, and in fussy among the Yoruba of southmostwest. The paper examines the impact of hug drugder flip-flop on baby awake taste sensation as emeritus succession security. Before delving into the root of the paper, the concept of neighborly qualifying was before long discussed.The rea watchwords for having children broadly speaking be discussed, child evoke gustatory modality among the elderly were e precise bit examine the pattern it took before now, the changes that keep up occurred and the location of p bents toward child conjure upuality gustatory sensation as octogenarian eld security in the contemporary Nigerian fiat were equally examined. The effects of sex re outset and opposite socio-stinting factors on the status of the elderly and its implications for the family were manpowerti unrivaledd. variant literature and theoretical mannerls on the field of discover matter were re plentyed and finally, a general deduction was drawn. Introduction Startling breaks select occurred all over the world, in particular on the mode of caring and deeming of elderly mortals and in that respect atomic rate 18 a snatch of all- central(prenominal) issues, which arise as a expiration of these transformations and the major structural shift in the cosmos. angiotensin-converting enzyme of these issues is the concern of fond gerontologists for the inevitably of h ist-to-god mountain for keep going in the society.Although, it should be menti match littled at this uncture that this transformation (that is, fond change) affects disparate peck in different federal agencys, depending on sex, location, size of cohort, frugal resources ( individual(a), familial and national), norms inherited from the last(prenominal) and individuals lie with experiences and some(prenominal)bodyality. For example, marital status and early patterns of childbearing argon signifi opposet factors influencing the reputation of the support available in sexagenarian age. While co-residence of sure-enough(a) per give-and-takes and adult children is customary in umteen other(prenominal) exploitation countries, the purpose worldwide is for this arrangement to blend in less(prenominal) putting surface.This has direct consequences for economic security, oddly in the numerous socie binds (and particularly, their verdant celestial spheres), where pensions be compensable only to a small symmetry of sometime(a) persons who atomic number 18 eligible because of front employment in the occasion sectors or some nonagenarian(a) persons who were able to just or invest for their old age. n unrivalledtheless in countries where pensions be to a greater extent(prenominal) largely available, the burden of an ageing population is increasingly being regarded as unsustainable, particularly since thither is an increasing tendency for those able to do so to take early retirement.For many another(prenominal), especially women, at that place is a real flagellum of poverty in old-age, and this problem whitethorn be exacerbated by complaisant exclusions and the deteriorating intumesceness conditions go d wizard by many aged persons particularly, women at much advanced ages. compassionate of the frail and disabled becomes increasingly problematic, two in terminals of strive make a motion on commission leave al acers and c atomic number 18-givers and in addition the militarization of the appropriate resources of families, agencies and programmes to meet horizontal the base needs of aged persons. consort to Peil (1991), as emotional state expectancy rises, young geminates are more simila rly to be called upon to lead for their ripened parents than these parents were at the same deliver of the life cycle, at a m when increasing emphasis on educating ones children, rampant inflation and general unemployment of young adults make adequate edible for sure-enough(a) parents difficult. The situation among older the great unwashed without children of their own were even more pathetic. For instance, old plenty who exact no existent children tend to fortune the chances of isolation and deficiency of support.Personality is another very essential factor to be considered this is because, personality gage make great difference to the befriend ask roundd. For example, an older person who was hard to twainer along with is more likely to neglect support than the cheerful old person who gets along well with family and neighbours (Peil, 1991). only these are important variables, which determine whether individuals will receive adequate care and support from family and society. It is apparent(a) from the conglomerate literature that, very miniature attention has been paid to older multitude of new-made industrializing societies of the world.In Nigeria for example, as well as in to the highest full point ontogeny countries, the need to plan for the wellbeing of older persons has received very teensy-weensy attention. thither are clear evidences of lack of clump social support services for older muckle in Nigeria, such(prenominal) as Social Securiy, Pension, Health Insurance Scheme, grey-headed Peoples Home, etc. One of the explanatory factors arises from the sentiment that the existing extended family transcription generally protects and provides for the eudaimonia of old plurality in rural and agri heathenish societies.Hence, where an older person is childless, his/her brothers or sisters or even the children of his siblings are believed to be responsible for his/her maintenance. This may not be unconnected with why virt ually policies, programmes and projects in the developing countries such as Nigeria have been concentrated on the children and the youths at the expense of older persons in the country. both national and international organizations are seen functional tirelessly on programmes and projects that would benefit the children and the youths, forgetting that the children and the youths of now would be the adult and older persons in the near future(a).Such beliefs and practices give the popular opinion that the aged, distant children, represent a discomforting warrant-order addiction on the jr. doings generation. and it should be denoteed at this juncture that old people are not always babelike on others for survival. For example, old age may not necessarily correspond dependency especially in modern Nigeria in which the possession of droped topographic point by older people and approach to business opportunities may earn them some income.Hence, while it is generally belie ved that old people in general depend on the younger people for their survival, it scum bag be equally true that some younger people do depend on such old people for their survival. In fact, some older persons in Nigeria may be rich enough to provide preparational assistance for the children of their brothers and sisters as well as their own. Put differently, the paramount view of older people as a social problem emphasizes the burden of older people in the population.This negative and blinkered mountain has al roughly enti verify neglected the furnish of care by older people themselves, although thither are some notable drawions. It should also be said that prevailing social problem focus has stigmatized older people as a dependent and un plenteous group. This negative stereotyping is partly because of invisibleness of in formal unravel as a contribution to society. disuseder people are givers as well as receivers by their substantial caring for other older people, unp aid domestic work, care for grandchildren and willing work.However, it should be stired that differences occur between virile and egg-producing(prenominal) in terms of assenting to, and possession of wealth in the society. This, in turn, leads to differences in the care and support tending(p) and received by older men and women in the society. This we moldiness emphasized has abnormal older persons attitude towards child sex tasting as old age security globally and particularly in Nigeria society. A pronounce mouthful of parents to have antheral children has been noted in a number of countries, although a desire for a balanced number of sons and daughters is also common (Williamson, 1976 Arnold and Kuo, 1984).Son gustatory modality is particularly everyday in countries with intemperate ancient system or tradition (Cleland, Verrall, and Vaessen, 1983 Cho, Arnold, and Kwon, 1982 Freedman and Coombs, 1994). The completion of son choice has been the subject of considera ble discussion and debate in or so literature. Sons are preferred for a pastiche of reasons, including family name propagation, old age security, preparedness of parturiency, and the performance of ancestral rites ( animal, 1985 Zhao and Zhu, 1983).Also, the Fifth theme Womens Congress (1983) Haupt (1983) Li (1982) Liu (1984) Tien (1985) Wolf (1985) all maintained that conventionally, sons were considered advantageous for two economic reasons, namely support for their parents in old age and the render of trade union movement for the uttermostm or family business. They argued advertise that the spring is assuage an important consideration in most societies, scorn the recent conception of some forms of social security.So a lot has been written round social change that it is really not of much use for us to start a procedure of seeking definitions. At the direct of the chance(a) lives of ordinary citizens, it is even doubtful whether our people are really interested, one way or the other, in what intellectual ideas may really be. It is the manifestations of their collective cynicism towards this concept that one feels ought to worry us, unless we are able to assume the reasons for this drift, we run the risk of merely speaking to ourselves.The concept of social change may mean different things to different people, depending on the available indicators in any wedded social milieu. Many sociologists view social change in the social structure of society or alteration of the social structure (Morris Ginsberg, 1958205). Others stress that social change is not only a change in the structure, but also in the go of society. harmonize to Allen, (197139) social change comprises modifications in social systems or subsystems in structure, functioning, or process over some plosive consonant of time.It should be mentioned at this juncture that restrained a number of scholars have choose a number of different definitions/approaches to the study of socia l change at various aims. (For more details see Amitai (1964), Appelbaum (1970), DeVries, (1961), Peter, (1966), Moore & Ogburn, (1922), etc. ) In spite of the cynical attitudes of the people close to the concept of social change, swither is made to give a working definition of social change inwardly the context of this paper. Social change inwardly the context of this paper can be defined as he transformation of culture and social institutions over time. It should be mentioned at this juncture that our society has experienced social change over the past two or more centuries. Nigeria, like any other country of the world, has changed particularly, in the area of agriculture, urbanization, industrialization, family/personal relationships. Social change has influenced nearly every aspect of our life. Although, we should also mention here that people are not equally affected by these changes.This is because social change affects different people in different ways, depending on sex , age, work experience, location, class, size of cohort, economic resources (individual, familial and national), norms inherited from the past, individuals live experiences and personality. All these are important variables, which determine how individuals are advantaged or disadvantaged by their position. Reasons for having children In many ternion World countries or societies, having a large family is an eminently keen-witted strategy of survival.Childrens labour particularly that of sons is a vital part of the family sparing in many small fry communities of Africa in general, and in Nigeria in particular. Children help on the fields, tend animals, fetch water and wood, and care for their younger brothers and sisters freeing their parents for other tasks. quite a early in life, childrens labour makes them an asset kinda than a financial obligation on family income (Betsy Hartman, 1998) . In urban settings, children ofttimes earn income as servants, messengers, etc, or else pose at home to care for younger children while their parents work.Among the Yoruba community in Nigeria, demographer John Caldwell (1982) arrange that even urban professional families benefit from many children by sibling assistance chains. As one child completes education and takes a job, he or she helps younger brothers and sisters move up the educational and employment ladder, thusly the connections and the influence of the family spread. Another reason for having many children, accord to Cain (1983) is security. According to him, in many Third World societies, the vast absolute majority of the population has no access to damages schemes, pension plans, or government social security.For instance, in Nigeria, piddling or nil is known, said or done about social security, i. e. about how to set about the individual against want, poverty, destitution, disease and idleness which may be thrust upon him by the varied hazards and vicissitudes of social life notably loss or sus pension of income or means of sustenance, resulting from sickness, maternity, injury, invalidity, old age, death of a breadwinner or unemployment. According to Nwabueze (1989) there is no clear bidding of policy regarding social security and little is spent on it by the state, except in the capacity of the employer.This neglect manifests itself in the hordes of the elderly people engaged in public alms solicitation in our urban cities in the country at large, and most especially in southwestwardern Nigeria. One of the reasons adduced for the policy neglect is that, children are pass judgment to care for their parents in their old age. Without them, ones future is endangered. The help of heavy(a) up children, particularly male children, can then be crucial in surviving the periodic crisis-illness, drought, floods, food shortages, land disputes, political upheavals, which, unfortunately, punctuate village life in most parts of the world.Folbre (1983) go on maintained that, in mos t developing countries of the world in general, and in Nigeria in particular, son preference can be another important motive for having big families. The subordination of women means that, economically and socially daughters are less or not valued as highly as sons in many cultures, particularly among the Yoruba of the southwest Nigeria, most especially in the traditional era. Not only does daughters domestic work have less prestige, but daughters typically provide fewer years of productive labour to their parents, and leave home to live with their husbands and in-laws shortly after puberty.Sons preference, combined with high infant and child mortality rates, means that parents must have many children just to ensure that one or two sons support so as to serve as old-age security, most especially in the face of economic uncertainty. As a corollary to the above point, Lappe et al (1979) maintained that in the 1960s, an Indian couple had to bear an average of 6. 3 children to be conf ident of having one son who would survive to adulthood.Male dominance in the family, patriarchal social mores, the systematic exclusion of women from the training process, and the absence seizure of decent birth constraint services combine to force many women into having more children than they want. Put differently, the social environment, in effect, leaves them (women) little or no procreative choice. Thus, there is tendency among them, to have more children in order to guarantee the future of the lineage. charge up Preferences and Worldwide Patterns Parental preference for sons over daughters is a common phenomenon in many parts of the world.Son preference has been well documented in a large number of countries, including Nigeria. But the storey of such preference varies substantially from one country to another, depending on such factors as the level of economic development, social norms, level of education, cultural and religious practices, marriage and family systems, degr ee of urbanization, and the nature of social security systems available. The preference for sons tend to be particularly pronounced in developing countries, in rural areas, and among more traditional couples and couples of lower socio-economic status.Although son preference is still common even in many economically true countries (Bennett, 1983), this preference often exists side by side with parents desire to have, at least, one child of each sex. The World natality Survey (WFS) order that son preference was moderately strong in Lesotho and the Sudan, and very strong in Jordan and Syria. In Asia, son preference was represent to be rachitic among women from Indonesia (except for the first child). The survey also found a moderate degree of son preference in Malaysia, Thailand, and SriLanka, and son preference was extremely strong in Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and due south Korea.The WFS result for Asia generally agrees quite well-nigh with the purposes of Williamson (1976), who reviewed the literature on sex preferences passim the world in the mid seventies (Arnold and Liu 1986). Further, son preference has been found to be prevalent in all tocopherol Asia and among groups outside of that region that share a heritage of Confucian patriarchal tradition. According to Arnold and Kuo (1984301), son preference in South Korea and Taiwan is both pervasive and extreme.This finding has been avowed by a number of other studies (see Williamson, 1976 Coombs and Sun, 1981 Cho, Arnold and Kwon, 1982 Chung, Cha, and Lee, 1974). In spite of the foregoing, it should be mentioned that in some countries, couples exhibit little or no son preference, and there are even a few instances in which a preference for daughters has been documented. For example, WFS found that considerably more women wanted a daughter for their next child than a son in Jamaica and Venezuela (Cleland, Verrall, and Vaessen, 1983).The WFS also found little or no sex preference of any type in most South America countries, in parts of the Caribbean and in Kenya and so on, to mention but a few (Arnold and Liu, 1986). Sex Preference among the Yoruba Concern among the Yoruba of Southwest Nigeria about son preference, as an old age security is a long-standing one. Mao Zedong vividly depicted this problem in a talk with Edgar Snow in 1970. In the country side, a woman still wants a boy child. If the first and second babies are girls, she will make another try. If the third one comes and is still a girl, the mother would try again.Pretty soon, there are nine of them, Then, the mother is already over 45 or so and she finally decides to leave it at that (cited in Katagiri and Terao, 19722). A variety of historical, moral, ethical, and economic factors be son preference among the Yoruba of Southwest Nigeria. In the past, the male patriarch dominated the family in Nigeria, and the practice of ancestor worship gradually developed. Hence, the patriarchal family structure and the resulti ng strong preference for sons became institutionalized values among the Yoruba.These traditions also stress the importance of carrying on the family line through male progeny. Traditionally, apart from social prestige and the felt need to continue the family line, the public of sons among the Yoruba is considered advantageous for two economic reasons. These are, support for their parents in old age and the provision of labour for the farm or family business. The former is still an important consideration in Nigeria in general, and among the Yoruba of Southwest in particular, despite the recent introduction of some forms of social security in Nigeria.Other reasons for sex preference among the Yoruba include sons financial contribution to the family income emotional support and the need for sons to meet religious obligations, and so on. Finally, the productive utility of sons is still an important factor underlying son preference among the Yoruba, where traditional notions about the appropriate percentage of labour by sex are still prevalent. Child Sex Preference, Old Age Security and the Welfare of the Elderly. Income in later life may come from a variety of sources, including earnings, family members, the children, the state or charity.The balance of these sources has shifted over time as a result of social change, modernization, urbanization, westernization, education of women, more women in formal sector of the economy, coupled with the cracks in the extended family tie and introduction of pension systems by government. In particular, older peoples economic trustingness on their children or older peoples reliance on their children as old-age security has declined, earmarking them the dignity of financial independence of kin.The twenty-first century has seen a dramatic shift in the sources of income of older people in both industrialise and non- modify countries of the world, but the changes differ profoundly according to gender. For men, the change has been from generally earnings to mainly pensions, while for women, the change has mainly been from reliance on family members (particularly the children), to income from secret business and the support from the spouse.Heavy reliance on private support and support from spouses have not guaranteed or ensured womens economic security in later life and this has and led to gender inequality of income among older people (Ginn, 2001). Having said the foregoing, it is germane to mention that the old-age security and child sex (gender) preference are two highly controversial hypotheses regarding the influence of family unit fertility and welfare in less-developed and developing countries of the world such as Nigeria.The old-age security possibleness postulates that in environments where parents face uncertainty about the strength to support themselves during old age, they would expect such support from their children (Raut, 199681-104). This motive could be strong particularly in rural areas of less-developed or developing countries such as Nigeria, particularly among rural dwellers of the Yoruba of Southwest Nigeria where available resources both financial and physical (materials) tend to reward low or negative interest.Therefore, these are not able to provide for parents required welfare at old age, so that children may provide a more efficient hedge against old age disability risks (Raut, 1985 1990 1992 Nerlove and Raut, 1995 Cain, 1981 1983 Nerlove, Razin, and Sadka, 1987 and Nugent, 1985). The gender preference hypothesis postulates that parents exhibit preference for having children of a particular sex. In most developing or less-developed societies, parents seem to have preference for sons rather than daughters. The preference for sons may be grow purely in taste and cultural values or it could be the outcome of some economic calculations.For instance, sons generally prevail with their parents, while daughters are married forward to another household or family, so that sons tend to provide better support in old-age as well as augment current household income. The purpose to which the preference for sons occurs as an economic reception to underdeveloped working capital markets and incomplete risk markets has been a long-standing issue in economic demography literature. Ben Porath and Welch (1976) Heer (1983) and Leung (1988) have examined the consequences of this motive for population growth, and sex ratio.Also, the consequences of child sex preference (sons preference) on the allocation of human capital and bequest among children have been discussed by Behrman, Pollak and Taubman, (1982). Generally, children are expected to provide long term net benefit streams by planning labour for family enterprises, generating monetary income stream, providing for old-age security, and acting as a form of insurance. In a setting of risk and uncertainty, parents engage in strategies to influence the pattern and guarantee the dependablenes s of long-term intergenerational benefit flows.Such self-interested strategies to upgrade parental well-being at old age include conditional heritage benefits, practices controlling the mobility of children, and sex differentiated educational and nutritional enthronisations. According to Fapounda et al (1988), western United States African parents invest more in the education of male children since the financial returns on their education are relatively high. On the other hand, parents are more orientated towards the receipt of a one-time financial payment, a bride price, from the marriage of their daughters than to an economically uncertain investment in their daughters schooling (Fapounda et al 1988).Caldwell further maintained that, in rural Nigeria, for example, one of the reasons for sons preference is that, male children (boys) produce more than they consume by the age of ten to thirteen and by the age of fifteen their total production has exceeded their cumulative life-ti me role. Although, female children (girls) likewise perform a number of valuable economic tasks, which include assist their mothers with cooking and the post-harvest processing of crops etc. , this is unnoticeable when compared to the contributions of their male counterparts to the family economy (Caldwell, 1982).Today, the expected ontogenesis in the absolute number and coincidence of the elderly raises serious concerns about their welfare in the country, particularly given the absence of social security scheme and formal social welfare services for the old in most African countries. A number of studies have therefore, focused on examining the extent to which the family is involved in providing assistance to the elderly (Peil, 1995 Apt and Katila, 1994 and Togonu-Bickersteth, 1989, 1997). All confirm that the families, particularly children, are the principal source of old-age support in the various African countries studied.It has also been found that assistance is ordinaril y offered by children to ensure some level of physical and economic survival for their elderly to the extent that the former can afford. By contrast, parents in industrialized countries and their affluent counterparts among Third World urban elite have much less need to rely on children either for labour or old-age security. The economics of family size changes as income goes up, until children become a financial burden alternatively of an asset (Folbre, 1983). According to him, when children are in school, for example, they no longer serve as a source of labour.Instead parents must pay for their education, as well as for their other needs, which cost far more in a high consumption society than in a peasant village. And there is often no guarantee that parents investment will buy the future loyalty of a grown up child. As economist Nancy Folbre (1983) noted, The gift of education, unlike a bequest, cannot be made point upon conformity to certain expectations. Once given, it can har dly be revoked.In industrialized societies personal savings, pension plans, and overnment programs replace children as the basic forms of social security. These social changes basically alter the value of children, making it far more rational from an economic standpoint, to adjust family size. Folbre (1983) also argued that as the value of children decreases, male heads of households are more willing to allow their wives to work outside the home, since the contribution of their reward to the family economy now exceeds the value of their household work. This further spurs low demand for children and less craze sex preference of a particular child.